Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking is the premier peer-reviewed journal for authoritative research on understanding the social, behavioral, and psychological impact of today's social networking practices, including Twitter, Facebook, and internet gaming and commerce. Highly regarded as the go-to source in the field, the Journal has been at the forefront of social networking and virtual reality for over 20 years. It is known for its rapid communication articles and in-depth studies surrounding the effects of interactive technologies on behavior and society, both positive and negative.
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Introduction
The use of social media has grown substantially in recent years [Leong et al., 2019; Kemp, 2020]. Social media refers to “the websites and online tools that facilitate interactions between users by providing them opportunities to share information, opinions, and interest” [Swar and Hameed, 2017, p. 141]. Individuals use social media for many reasons, including entertainment, communication, and searching for information. Notably, adolescents and young adults are spending an increasing amount of time on online networking sites, e-games, texting, and other social media [Twenge and Campbell, 2019]. In fact, some authors [e.g., Dhir et al., 2018; Tateno et al., 2019] have suggested that social media has altered the forms of group interaction and its users' individual and collective behavior around the world.
Consequently, there are increased concerns regarding the possible negative impacts associated with social media usage addiction [Swar and Hameed, 2017; Kircaburun et al., 2020], particularly on psychological well-being [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020]. Smartphones sometimes distract their users from relationships and social interaction [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Li et al., 2020a], and several authors have stressed that the excessive use of social media may lead to smartphone addiction [Swar and Hameed, 2017; Leong et al., 2019], primarily because of the fear of missing out [Reer et al., 2019; Roberts and David, 2020]. Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression [Dhir et al., 2018; Reer et al., 2019], social isolation [Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Whaite et al., 2018], and “phubbing,” which refers to the extent to which an individual uses, or is distracted by, their smartphone during face-to-face communication with others [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020].
However, social media use also contributes to building a sense of connectedness with relevant others [Twenge and Campbell, 2019], which may reduce social isolation. Indeed, social media provides several ways to interact both with close ties, such as family, friends, and relatives, and weak ties, including coworkers, acquaintances, and strangers [Chen and Li, 2017], and plays a key role among people of all ages as they exploit their sense of belonging in different communities [Roberts and David, 2020]. Consequently, despite the fears regarding the possible negative impacts of social media usage on well-being, there is also an increasing number of studies highlighting social media as a new communication channel [Twenge and Campbell, 2019; Barbosa et al., 2020], stressing that it can play a crucial role in developing one's presence, identity, and reputation, thus facilitating social interaction, forming and maintaining relationships, and sharing ideas [Carlson et al., 2016], which consequently may be significantly correlated to social support [Chen and Li, 2017; Holliman et al., 2021]. Interestingly, recent studies [e.g., David et al., 2018; Bano et al., 2019; Barbosa et al., 2020] have suggested that the impact of smartphone usage on psychological well-being depends on the time spent on each type of application and the activities that users engage in.
Hence, the literature provides contradictory cues regarding the impacts of social media on users' well-being, highlighting both the possible negative impacts and the social enhancement it can potentially provide. In line with views on the need to further investigate social media usage [Karikari et al., 2017], particularly regarding its societal implications [Jiao et al., 2017], this paper argues that there is an urgent need to further understand the impact of the time spent on social media on users' psychological well-being, namely by considering other variables that mediate and further explain this effect.
One of the relevant perspectives worth considering is that provided by social capital theory, which is adopted in this paper. Social capital theory has previously been used to study how social media usage affects psychological well-being [e.g., Bano et al., 2019]. However, extant literature has so far presented only partial models of associations that, although statistically acceptable and contributing to the understanding of the scope of social networks, do not provide as comprehensive a vision of the phenomenon as that proposed within this paper. Furthermore, the contradictory views, suggesting both negative [e.g., Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Jiao et al., 2017; Whaite et al., 2018; Choi and Noh, 2019; Chatterjee, 2020] and positive impacts [Carlson et al., 2016; Chen and Li, 2017; Twenge and Campbell, 2019] of social media on psychological well-being, have not been adequately explored.
Given this research gap, this paper's main objective is to shed light on the effect of social media use on psychological well-being. As explained in detail in the next section, this paper explores the mediating effect of bonding and bridging social capital. To provide a broad view of the phenomenon, it also considers several variables highlighted in the literature as affecting the relationship between social media usage and psychological well-being, namely smartphone addiction, social isolation, and phubbing. The paper utilizes a quantitative study conducted in Mexico, comprising 940 social media users, and uses structural equation modeling [SEM] to test a set of research hypotheses.
This article provides several contributions. First, it adds to existing literature regarding the effect of social media use on psychological well-being and explores the contradictory indications provided by different approaches. Second, it proposes a conceptual model that integrates complementary perspectives on the direct and indirect effects of social media use. Third, it offers empirical evidence and robust statistical analysis that demonstrates that both positive and negative effects coexist, helping resolve the inconsistencies found so far in the literature. Finally, this paper provides insights on how to help reduce the potential negative effects of social media use, as it demonstrates that, through bridging and bonding social capital, social media usage positively impacts psychological well-being. Overall, the article offers valuable insights for academics, practitioners, and society in general.
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section Literature Review presents a literature review focusing on the factors that explain the impact of social media usage on psychological well-being. Based on the literature review, a set of hypotheses are defined, resulting in the proposed conceptual model, which includes both the direct and indirect effects of social media usage on psychological well-being. Section Research Methodology explains the methodological procedures of the research, followed by the presentation and discussion of the study's results in section Results. Section Discussion is dedicated to the conclusions and includes implications, limitations, and suggestions for future research.
Literature Review
Putnam [1995, p. 664–665] defined social capital as “features of social life – networks, norms, and trust – that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives.” Li and Chen [2014, p. 117] further explained that social capital encompasses “resources embedded in one's social network, which can be assessed and used for instrumental or expressive returns such as mutual support, reciprocity, and cooperation.”
Putnam [1995, 2000] conceptualized social capital as comprising two dimensions, bridging and bonding, considering the different norms and networks in which they occur. Bridging social capital refers to the inclusive nature of social interaction and occurs when individuals from different origins establish connections through social networks. Hence, bridging social capital is typically provided by heterogeneous weak ties [Li and Chen, 2014]. This dimension widens individual social horizons and perspectives and provides extended access to resources and information. Bonding social capital refers to the social and emotional support each individual receives from his or her social networks, particularly from close ties [e.g., family and friends].
Overall, social capital is expected to be positively associated with psychological well-being [Bano et al., 2019]. Indeed, Williams [2006] stressed that interaction generates affective connections, resulting in positive impacts, such as emotional support. The following sub-sections use the lens of social capital theory to explore further the relationship between the use of social media and psychological well-being.
Social Media Use, Social Capital, and Psychological Well-Being
The effects of social media usage on social capital have gained increasing scholarly attention, and recent studies have highlighted a positive relationship between social media use and social capital [Brown and Michinov, 2019; Tefertiller et al., 2020]. Li and Chen [2014] hypothesized that the intensity of Facebook use by Chinese international students in the United States was positively related to social capital forms. A longitudinal survey based on the quota sampling approach illustrated the positive effects of social media use on the two social capital dimensions [Chen and Li, 2017]. Abbas and Mesch [2018] argued that, as Facebook usage increases, it will also increase users' social capital. Karikari et al. [2017] also found positive effects of social media use on social capital. Similarly, Pang [2018] studied Chinese students residing in Germany and found positive effects of social networking sites' use on social capital, which, in turn, was positively associated with psychological well-being. Bano et al. [2019] analyzed the 266 students' data and found positive effects of WhatsApp use on social capital forms and the positive effect of social capital on psychological well-being, emphasizing the role of social integration in mediating this positive effect.
Kim and Kim [2017] stressed the importance of having a heterogeneous network of contacts, which ultimately enhances the potential social capital. Overall, the manifest and social relations between people from close social circles [bonding social capital] and from distant social circles [bridging social capital] are strengthened when they promote communication, social support, and the sharing of interests, knowledge, and skills, which are shared with other members. This is linked to positive effects on interactions, such as acceptance, trust, and reciprocity, which are related to the individuals' health and psychological well-being [Bekalu et al., 2019], including when social media helps to maintain social capital between social circles that exist outside of virtual communities [Ellison et al., 2007].
Grounded on the above literature, this study proposes the following hypotheses:
H1a: Social media use is positively associated with bonding social capital.
H1b: Bonding social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.
H2a: Social media use is positively associated with bridging social capital.
H2b: Bridging social capital is positively associated with psychological well-being.
Social Media Use, Social Isolation, and Psychological Well-Being
Social isolation is defined as “a deficit of personal relationships or being excluded from social networks” [Choi and Noh, 2019, p. 4]. The state that occurs when an individual lacks true engagement with others, a sense of social belonging, and a satisfying relationship is related to increased mortality and morbidity [Primack et al., 2017]. Those who experience social isolation are deprived of social relationships and lack contact with others or involvement in social activities [Schinka et al., 2012]. Social media usage has been associated with anxiety, loneliness, and depression [Dhir et al., 2018; Reer et al., 2019], and social isolation [Van Den Eijnden et al., 2016; Whaite et al., 2018]. However, some recent studies have argued that social media use decreases social isolation [Primack et al., 2017; Meshi et al., 2020]. Indeed, the increased use of social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, and Twitter, among others, may provide opportunities for decreasing social isolation. For instance, the improved interpersonal connectivity achieved via videos and images on social media helps users evidence intimacy, attenuating social isolation [Whaite et al., 2018].
Chappell and Badger [1989] stated that social isolation leads to decreased psychological well-being, while Choi and Noh [2019] concluded that greater social isolation is linked to increased suicide risk. Schinka et al. [2012] further argued that, when individuals experience social isolation from siblings, friends, family, or society, their psychological well-being tends to decrease. Thus, based on the literature cited above, this study proposes the following hypotheses:
H3a: Social media use is significantly associated with social isolation.
H3b: Social isolation is negatively associated with psychological well-being.
Social Media Use, Smartphone Addiction, Phubbing, and Psychological Well-Being
Smartphone addiction refers to “an individuals' excessive use of a smartphone and its negative effects on his/her life as a result of his/her inability to control his behavior” [Gökçearslan et al., 2018, p. 48]. Regardless of its form, smartphone addiction results in social, medical, and psychological harm to people by limiting their ability to make their own choices [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016]. The rapid advancement of information and communication technologies has led to the concept of social media, e-games, and also to smartphone addiction [Chatterjee, 2020]. The excessive use of smartphones for social media use, entertainment [watching videos, listening to music], and playing e-games is more common amongst people addicted to smartphones [Jeong et al., 2016]. In fact, previous studies have evidenced the relationship between social use and smartphone addiction [Salehan and Negahban, 2013; Jeong et al., 2016; Swar and Hameed, 2017]. In line with this, the following hypotheses are proposed:
H4a: Social media use is positively associated with smartphone addiction.
H4b: Smartphone addiction is negatively associated with psychological well-being.
While smartphones are bringing individuals closer, they are also, to some extent, pulling people apart [Tonacci et al., 2019]. For instance, they can lead to individuals ignoring others with whom they have close ties or physical interactions; this situation normally occurs due to extreme smartphone use [i.e., at the dinner table, in meetings, at get-togethers and parties, and in other daily activities]. This act of ignoring others is called phubbing and is considered a common phenomenon in communication activities [Guazzini et al., 2019; Chatterjee, 2020]. Phubbing is also referred to as an act of snubbing others [Chatterjee, 2020]. This term was initially used in May 2012 by an Australian advertising agency to describe the “growing phenomenon of individuals ignoring their families and friends who were called phubbee [a person who is a recipients of phubbing behavior] victim of phubber [a person who start phubbing her or his companion]” [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2018]. Smartphone addiction has been found to be a determinant of phubbing [Kim et al., 2018]. Other recent studies have also evidenced the association between smartphones and phubbing [Chotpitayasunondh and Douglas, 2016; Guazzini et al., 2019; Tonacci et al., 2019; Chatterjee, 2020]. Vallespín et al. [2017] argued that phubbing behavior has a negative influence on psychological well-being and satisfaction. Furthermore, smartphone addiction is considered responsible for the development of new technologies. It may also negatively influence individual's psychological proximity [Chatterjee, 2020]. Therefore, based on the above discussion and calls for the association between phubbing and psychological well-being to be further explored, this study proposes the following hypotheses:
H5: Smartphone addiction is positively associated with phubbing.
H6: Phubbing is negatively associated with psychological well-being.
Indirect Relationship Between Social Media Use and Psychological Well-Being
Beyond the direct hypotheses proposed above, this study investigates the indirect effects of social media use on psychological well-being mediated by social capital forms, social isolation, and phubbing. As described above, most prior studies have focused on the direct influence of social media use on social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing, as well as the direct impact of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing on psychological well-being. Very few studies, however, have focused on and evidenced the mediating role of social capital forms, social isolation, smartphone addiction, and phubbing derived from social media use in improving psychological well-being [Chen and Li, 2017; Pang, 2018; Bano et al., 2019; Choi and Noh, 2019]. Moreover, little is known about smartphone addiction's mediating role between social media use and psychological well-being. Therefore, this study aims to fill this gap in the existing literature by investigating the mediation of social capital forms, social isolation, and smartphone addiction. Further, examining the mediating influence will contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of social media use on psychological well-being via the mediating associations of smartphone addiction and psychological factors. Therefore, based on the above, we propose the following hypotheses [the conceptual model is presented in Figure 1]:
H7: [a] Bonding social capital; [b] bridging social capital; [c] social isolation; and [d] smartphone addiction mediate the relationship between social media use and psychological well-being.
Figure 1. Conceptual model.
Research Methodology
Sample Procedure and Online Survey
This study randomly selected students from universities in Mexico. We chose University students for the following reasons. First, students are considered the most appropriate sample for e-commerce studies, particularly in the social media context [Oghazi et al., 2018; Shi et al., 2018]. Second, University students are considered to be frequent users and addicted to smartphones [Mou et al., 2017; Stouthuysen et al., 2018]. Third, this study ensured that respondents were experienced, well-educated, and possessed sufficient knowledge of the drawbacks of social media and the extreme use of smartphones. A total sample size of 940 University students was ultimately achieved from the 1,500 students contacted, using a convenience random sampling approach, due both to the COVID-19 pandemic and budget and time constraints. Additionally, in order to test the model, a quantitative empirical study was conducted, using an online survey method to collect data. This study used a web-based survey distributed via social media platforms for two reasons: the COVID-19 pandemic; and to reach a large number of respondents [Qalati et al., 2021]. Furthermore, online surveys are considered a powerful and authenticated tool for new research [Fan et al., 2021], while also representing a fast, simple, and less costly approach to collecting data [Dutot and Bergeron, 2016].
Data Collection Procedures and Respondent's Information
Data were collected by disseminating a link to the survey by e-mail and social network sites. Before presenting the closed-ended questionnaire, respondents were assured that their participation would remain voluntary, confidential, and anonymous. Data collection occurred from July 2020 to December 2020 [during the pandemic]. It should be noted that, because data were collected during the pandemic, this may have had an influence on the results of the study. The reason for choosing a six-month lag time was to mitigate common method bias [CMB] [Li et al., 2020b]. In the present study, 1,500 students were contacted via University e-mail and social applications [Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram]. We sent a reminder every month for 6 months [a total of six reminders], resulting in 940 valid responses. Thus, 940 [62.6% response rate] responses were used for hypotheses testing.
Table 1 reveals that, of the 940 participants, three-quarters were female [76.4%, n = 719] and nearly one-quarter [23.6%, n = 221] were male. Nearly half of the participants [48.8%, n = 459] were aged between 26 and 35 years, followed by 36 to 35 years [21.9%, n = 206],